The material which follows in this
chapter was first published by me in five blogs in 2010 under the
title “Political Zionism: The Ideology of Jewish Self-Hatred.”
It has always seemed ironic to me when Zionists refer to their
Jewish opponents as "self-hating Jews" because Zionism is
precisely an ideology founded on Jewish self hatred. I am going to
begin by quoting some of the most prominent early political Zionists
without comment. Then I will analyze them and explain their relevance
to the contemporary Israeli state. At the end I will give some
references. I urge you not to take my word for it but to read Zionist
writers for yourself. Their ideas are much too bizarre for me to make
them up, and I am only quoting highlights, or perhaps what should be
called lowlights.
(Atheneum 1972). Pinsker was an
assimilated Russian Jew. I call this the vampire theory of
anti-Semitism.
Theodor Herzl was born in Budapest of the
Austro-Hungarian empire. He was also assimilated and a journalist. It
was his coverage of the Dreyfus trial in France which sparked him to
want to deal with the Jewish question. Dreyfus was a French officer
falsely accused of espionage and convicted because he was Jewish.
Herzl addressed his piece, "The Jewish State," to "my
dear Lord Rothschild." In that sense, he was writing a funding
proposal.
Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State (1896) in
Arthur Hertzberg's The Zionist Idea
The
idea which I have developed in this pamphlet is an ancient one: It is
the restoration of the Jewish State.
The world resounds with
clamor against the Jews, and this has revived the dormant
idea.
....
The understand of economics among men
actively engaged in business is often astonishingly slight. This
seems to be the only explanation for the fact that even Jews
faithfully parrot the catchword of the anti-Semites: "We live
off 'Host-nations'; and if we had no 'Host-nation' to sustain us we
should starve to death." This is one case in point of the
undermining of our self-respect through unjust accusations....
The
Jewish question still exists. It would be foolish to deny it. It is a
misplaced piece of medievalism which civilized nations do not even
yet seem able to shake off, try as they will. They proved they had
this high-minded desire when they emancipated us. The Jewish question
persists wherever Jews live in appreciable numbers. Wherever it does
not exist, it is brought in together with Jewish immigrants. We are
naturally drawn into those places where we are not persecuted, and
our appearance there gives rise to persecution. This is the case, and
will inevitably be so, everywhere, even in highly civilized
countries--see, for instance, France--so long as the Jewish question
is not solved on the political level. The unfortunate Jews are now
carrying the seeds of anti-Semitism into England; they have already
introduced it into America.
Anti-Semitism is a highly complex
movement, which I think I understand. I approach this movement as a
Jew, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see in it the
elements of cruel sport, of common commercial rivalry, of inherited
prejudice, or religious intolerance--but also of a supposed need for
self-defense. I consider the Jewish question neither a social nor a
religious one, even though it sometimes takes these and other forms.
It is a national question, and to solve it we must first of all
establish it as an international political problem to be discussed
and settled by the civilized nations of the world in council.
We
are a people--one
people.
We
have sincerely tried everywhere to merge with the national
communities in which we live, seeking only to preserve the faith of
our fathers. It is not permitted us. In vain are we loyal patriots,
sometimes superloyal; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life
and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to enhance
the fame of our native lands in the arts and sciences, or her wealth
by trade and commerce. In our native lands where we have lived for
centuries we are still decried as aliens, often by men whose
ancestors had not yet come at a time when Jewish sighs had long been
heard in the country. The majority decide who the "alien"
is; this, and all else in the relations between peoples, is a matter
of power. I do not surrender any part of our prescriptive right when
I make this statement merely in my own name,, as an individual. In
the world as it now is and will probably remain, for an indefinite
period, might takes precedence over right. It is without avail,
therefore, for us to be loyal patriots, as were the Huguenots, who
were forced to emigrate. If we were left in peace . . .
But I
think we shall not be left in peace.
Oppression and
persecution cannot exterminate us. No nation on earth has endured
such struggles and sufferings as we have. Jew-baiting has merely
winnowed out our weakings; the strong among us defiantly return to
their own whenever persecution breaks out. This was most clearly
apparent in the period immediately following the emancipation of the
Jews. Those Jews who rose highest intellectually and materially
entirely lost the sense of unity with their people. Wherever we
remain politically secure for any length of time, we assimilate. I
think this is not praiseworthy. Hence, the statesman who would wish
to see a Jewish strain added to his nation must see to it that we
continue politically secure. But even a Bismarck could never achieve
that.
....
No one can deny the gravity of the
Jewish situation. Wherever they live in appreciable number, Jews are
persecuted in greater or lesser measure. Their equality before the
law, granted by statute, has become practically a dead letter. They
are debarred from filling even moderate high offices in the army, or
in any public or private institutions. And attempts are being made to
thrust them out of business also: "Don't buy from
Jews!"
Attacks in parliaments, in assemblies, in the
press, in the pulpit, in the street, on journey--for example, their
exclusion from certain hotels--even in places of recreation are
increasing from day to day. The forms of persecution vary according
to country and social circle. In Russia, special taxes are levied on
Jewish villages; in Romania, a few persons are put to death; in
Germany, they get a good beating occasionally; in Austria,
anti-Semites exercise their terrorism over all public life; in
Algeria, there are traveling agitators; in Paris, the Jews are shut
out of the so-called best social circles and excluded from clubs. The
varieties of anti-Jewish expression are innumerable. But this is not
the occasion to attempt the sorry catalogue of Jewish hardships. We
shall not dwell on particular cases, however painful.
....
The
common people have not, and indeed cannot have, any comprehension of
history. They do not know that the sins of the Middle Ages are now
being visited on the nations of Europe. We are what the ghetto made
us. We have without a doubt attained pre-eminence in finance because
medieval conditions drove us to it. The same process is now being
repeated. We are again being forced into moneylending--now named
stock exchange--by being kept out of other occupations. But once on
the stock exchange, we are again objects of contempt. At the same
time we continue to produce an abundance of mediocre intellectuals
who find no outlet, and this endangers our social position as much as
does our increasing wealth. Educated Jews without means are now
rapidly becoming socialists. Hence we are certain to suffer acutely
in the struggle between the classes, because we stand in the most
exposed position in both the capitalist and socialist
camps.
....
Palestine or Argentina?
Is Palestine
or Argentina preferable? The Society will take whatever it is given
and whatever Jewish public opinion favors. The Society will determine
both these points.
[paragraph on the advantages of Argentina]
....
Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland. The
very name would be a marvelously effective rallying cry. If His
Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return
undertake the complete management of the finances of Turkey. We
should there form a part of a wall of defense for Europe in Asia, an
outpost of civilization against barbarism. We should as a neutral
state remain in contactl with all of Europe, which would have to
guarantee our existence.
Ber Borochov would be only a footnote in history if his ideas had
not inspired the founders of the Israeli Labour Party.
Our
Platform (1906) in Hertzberg.
....Since
the Jewish nation has no peasantry, our analysis of its national
problem deals with urban classes: the upper, middle, and petty
bourgeoisie; the masses who are being proletarized; and the
proletariat.
....
The Jewish problem migrates with the
Jews. Thus a universal Jewish problem is created which involves not
only Jewish philanthropists but also the political powers of the
civilized nations . . .
....
Proletarian Zionism is
possible only if its aims can be achieved through the class struggle;
Zionism can be realized only if proletarian Zionism is realized.
.
. . The Jewish proletariat is in need of revolution more than any
other. ....
....
Political territorial autonomy in
Palestine is the ultimate aim of Zionism. For proletarian Zionists,
this is also a step toward socialism.
....Vladimir
Jabotinsky is the intellectual father of the Likud Party in
Israel. He was based in Mussolini's Italy (they were ideologically close)
until Hitler demand that he be expelled.
Evidence Submitted to the Palestine Royal Commission
(1937) in Hertzberg
Three
generations of Jewish thinkers and Zionists, among whom there were
many great minds--I am not going to fatigue you by quoting
them--three generations have given much thought to analyzing the
Jewish position and have come to the conclusion that the cause of our
suffering is the very fact of the Diaspora, the bedrock fact that we
are everywhere a minority. It is not the anti-Semitism of men; it is
above all, the anti-Semitism of things, the inherent xenophobia of
the body social or the body economic under which we suffer....
We
are not free agents. We cannot "concede" anything. Whenever
I hear the Zionist, most often my own Party, accused of asking for
too much--Gentlemen, I really cannot understand it. Yes, we do want a
State; every nation on earth, every normal nation, beginning with the
smallest and the humblest who do not claim merit, any role in
humanity's development, they all have States of their own. That is
the normal condition for a people. Yet, when we, the most abnormal of
peoples and therefore the most unfortunate, ask only for the same
condition as the Albanians enjoy, to say nothing of the French and
the English, then it is called too much. I should understand it if
the answer were, "It is impossible," but when the answer
is, "It is too much," I cannot understand it.....
I
am going to make a "terrible" confession. Our demand for a
Jewish majority is not our maximum--it is our minimum: it is just an
inevitable stage if only we are allowed to go on salvaging our
people....
There is only one way of compromise. Tell the Arabs
the truth, and then you will see the Arab is reasonable, the Arab is
clever, the Arab is just; the Arab can
realize that since
there are three or four or five wholly Arab states, then it is a
thing of justice which Great Britain is doing if Palestine is
transformed into a Jewish state. Then there will be a change of mind
among the Arabs, then there will be room for compromise and there
will be peace.
Chaim
Weizmann led the establishment Zionist movement in the first half of
the 20th century and was the first president of Israel.
Zionism
Needs a Living Content (1914) in Hertzberg
In its initial
stage, Zionism was conceived by its pioneers as a movement wholly
depending on mechanical factors: there is a country which happens to
be called Palestine, a country without a people, and, on the other
hand, there exists the Jewish people, and it has no country. What
else is necessary, then, than to fit the gem into the ring, to unite
this people with this country. The owners of the country must,
therefore, be persuaded and convinced that this marriage is
advantageous, not only for the people and for the country, but also
for themselves. On this basis grew Zionism. First, we must sell many
shekalim to show the Turks how strong we are, in the meantime, the
leaders will discuss the question of the marriage....
It is
the Zionists' good fortune that they are considered mad; if we were
normal, we would not think of going to Palestine, but stay put, like
all normal people. Who does not believe in taking a hard road and
thinks that a dangerous road should not be taken had better stay at
home. With fear and timidity the permanent home of the nation cannot
be established. Never has a people freed itself by profitable
investments, but by energy and sacrifice. And we Jews have not made
many sacrifices yet, and that is why we own only 2 per cent of the
Palestinian soil.
What value there is in real sacrifice, the
example of a Jew from Kiev will show you; his name is Barski. One of
his sons, a worker, was killed on Palestinian soil, at Degania; the
bereaved father writes a letter of comfort to the workers in
Palestine and send his second son into this most dangerous life to
take the place of the fallen one. This is the continuation, writes
the bereaved father. And it is this Jew who is the greatest political
Zionist after Herzl.
Reminiscences in Hertzberg (1937)
We
Jews got the Balfour Declaration quite unexpectedly, or in other
words, we are the greatest war profiteers. We never dreamed of the
Balfour Declaration; to be quite frank, it came to us overnight.
But--"What you have inherited from your father you must earn it
anew to really possess it!" (Goethe) The Balfour Declaration of
1917 was built on air, and a foundation had to be laid for it through
years of exacting work; every day and every hour of these last ten
years, when opening the newspapers, I thought: Whence will the next
blow come? I trembled lest the British Government would call me and
ask: "Tell us, what is this Zionist Organization? Where are
they, your Zionists?" For these people think in terms different
from ours. The Jews, they knew, were against us; we stood alone on a
little island, a tiny group of Jews with a foreign past.
David
Ben-Gurion was a founder of the Histadrut and the first prime
minister of Israel.
The Imperatives of the Jewish Revolution
(1944) in Hertzberg
....
The separatist tendency that has manifested itself in our land uses
the empty phrase "of proletarian origin" as its slogan.
This doctrine is totally foreign to the spirit and essence of the
Jewish revolution. Not the origin
but the mission,
not "whence" but "whither," is what will decide
the fate of our revolution. The Jewish people is not a proletarian
people and there are no sons of the proletariat to assure the success
of its revolution. The mission of the Jewish revolution is to
transform the
Jewish people into a laboring
people....
What do these early
Zionists have in common? They all blame the victim. They agree that
the cause of anti-Semitism is the lack of a Jewish state. Herzl also
mentions other material causes, but he comes around to that one. He
and Pinsker clearly assert that Jews bring anti-Semitism with them
wherever they go. Let's point out that anti-Semitism of the sort they
were dealing with was a purely European phenomenon. Algeria was
mentioned, but it was a French colony. Europeans exported it to some
of their colonies. But this skewed European focus obscures the fact
that there was nothing like that phenomenon anywhere else, including
in the Turkish, Arab, and Persian countries of the Middle East, even
though there were very sizable Jewish populations in those countries.
Second, they all agree that there is something called a Jewish people
with origins in Palestine even though Pinsker states quite well the
reasons that no such entity existed.
On this point, I refer
you to the excellent book, The Invention of
the Jewish People (2009) by Shlomo Sand, who
is a professor of history at the University of Tel Aviv. Sand's
entirely scholarly and well-sourced book shows that the vast majority
of modern Jews descend from converts and that the mostly likely
concentration of descendants of the ancient Hebrews who lived in
ancient Israel is precisely among the modern Palestinians who first
became Christians and then Muslims under foreign conquest. Thus
political Zionism (we use that term to distinguish this largely
secular movement from religious Zionism which prophesies the return
of Jews to Palestine along with a messiah) is founded on at least two
premises easily shown to be false. Further, political Zionism, which
these writings clearly demonstrate grew in the same soil as
non-Jewish anti-Semitism, xenophobic nationalism, and fascism which
culminated in the slaughters of Jews, Gypsies, leftists, homosexuals,
and many others during World War II, incorporated some of the same
ideas into their ideology. The anti-Semites said that Jews did not
belong in their home countries. The Zionists agreed with them. The
anti-Semites promoted stereotypes about Jewish behavior; the Zionists
said that there is truth to the stereotypes because Jews do not have
their own nation.
The testimony of these
early Zionists confirms that the vast majority of Jews rejected their
ideas and their project to colonize Palestine. They were considered
crazy kooks. Why would a self-respecting Jew embrace an ideology
which teaches her or him to hate him or herself and blames her or him
for the acts of anti-Semites? Why would a self-loving Jew agree to
leave instead of to fight? That is why I indict political Zionism as
a form of racial discrimination as the United Nations once held; it
is racism first and foremost against Jews. The project of the Zionist
movement, which was to create an apartheid state in Palestine, leads
to the second expression of racial discrimination, which aimed to
remove the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine using a variety of
actions which are clearly war crimes. The best book on that is Ilan
Pappé's The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.
Pappé is another Israeli historian. There are many, many books on
these subjects, but I will recommend one more if you can find it.
Abram Leon, a Polish Jew who died in Auschwitz in 1944, wrote an
excellent study, The Jewish Question: A
Marxist Interpretation. Leon presented some
of the same material that Sand presents on Jewish history, but he
also shows that anti-Semitism was a specifically European phenomenon
derived from the role that Jewish moneylenders played under feudalism
and then magnified by the collapse of feudalism in Eastern
Europe.
So,
the next time that a Zionist defender of Israel makes the anti-Semite
or self-hating Jew attack, I counsel him or her to look inward. To be
sure, there are still lots of non-Jewish anti-Semites in the world,
but some of them are allies of Israel. Consider the Argentinian
regime which tortured Jacobo Timerman and was armed by Israel. And
consider the contemporary alliances—in the age of Trump—of Israel
and some of its supporters with the extreme right, including white
and Christian supremacists, and neo-Nazis.
Zionism is now a
much more immediate threat to Jews and to the world than non-Jewish
anti-Semitism. Just as African-Americans had to confront those who
internalized racism, Jews have to confront Zionists and challenge all
of the historically inaccurate and morally decrepit elements of their
ideology. And this is not only the responsibility of Jews but of all
interested in justice, peace, and world survival.